Tag Archives: jim crow

“Voter problems didn’t deter these civic heroes”

Inspiring election tales from around the country :)

Taken from: http://dailynews.com/politics-national/2012/11/die-hard-voters-from-around-the-country/#

November 6, 2012

If you were ambivalent about voting today, these eight people may put you to shame.

Centarian voters
At the ripe old age of 103, Letha Sturgis caught a ride with four other generations of her family, with her great-granddaughter driving, to cast her ballot in Milton, Del. She voted for Barack Obama. If you think that’s not dedication enough, another 103-year-old, Betty Lockett helped register 103 Mississippians to vote, as a birthday present to herself.

Voting as a final act
World War II veteran Frank Tanabe died in late October. But the Honolulu resident made sure to cast his absentee ballot first. Tanabe had never missed a presidential election, and, from his hospice bed, made sure to vote one last time.

Voting while in labor
Not wanting to let the miracle of childbirth get in the way of electing a president, Cook County, Ill., resident Galicia Malone cast her ballot on the way to the hospital. Malone’s water had already broken by the time she entered the polling booth, NBC Chicagoreports.
“Cook County Clerk David Orr said Malone’s contractions were five minutes apart when she showed up around 8:30 a.m. at her precinct’s location named, yes, New Life Celebration Church.”

The memorable first-time voters
It took a long time for some people to decide to cast their first ballot. Case in point: Joanna Jenkins, who can’t read, can’t write, has no state ID, and is 108 years old. She cast an enthusiastic absentee ballot for Barack Obama.

Rosie Lewis is only 99, but the Floridian also decided to cast her first ballot this year. She was seven when women earned the right to vote, and “was in her 50s by the time Jim Crow laws were abolished.” She’s also voting for Obama.

When voting is more important than a medical condition
In Palm Beach County, a pregnant woman didn’t give birth, but did pass out after waiting in line for more than two hours. Not letting anything deter her, the woman “was hand-delivered an absentee ballot by an Obama campaign volunteer,” the Palm Beach Post reports.
A Detroit man scoffs at your petty “passed out.” The unnamed elderly gentleman was filling out his absentee ballot when he suffered a heart attack. After a few minutes of CPR from his aide Ty Houston, the man was revived. ”‘He was dead,’ Houston said. ‘He had no heartbeat and he wasn’t breathing. I started CPR, and after a few minutes, he revived and started breathing again. He knew his name and his wife’s name.’ ”The first question he asked was ‘Did I vote?’” Yes, the man voted.

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“Pennsylvania Photo Voter ID Bill is Now Law, HBCUs in the Crosshairs”

Taken from: http://colorlines.com/archives/2012/03/pa_photo_voter_id_bill_is_now_law_hbcus_in_the_crosshairs.html

March 15, 2012

Pennsylvania Republican Gov. Tom Corbett wasted no time signing HB 934 into law after the legislature voted it through with not one Democrat in support and in fact a few Republicans that opposed. That vote happened yesterday afternoon and Corbett’s ink was on the bill by the evening. The law goes into effect today mandating that all voters have photo identification issued by state or federal government, a state university or a nursing home. The state becomes the 16th with a photo voter ID bill, and the ninth with a strict photo voter ID bill, meaning unlike other states there’s no alternative non-photo ID that can be used if you show up without proper photo identification.

The granting of nursing home IDs (is there such a thing?) as an eligible voting ID was fought in as an amendment by groups like AARP, a voting bloc that Corbett and fellow Republicans apparently care about. Other groups, like low-income, college students, didn’t fare as well. ACLU legislative director Andy Hoover told me that amendments that didn’t make the final bill included one made for people to sign an affidavit to vote if they didn’t bring photo ID and another to qualify a Medicare card as an eligible ID to vote.

Local civil rights group Black Political Empowerment Project told Gov. Corbett in a letter that allowing nursing home IDs is fine, but there are thousands of elderly voters who are cared for at home, not at care facilities. Those would be senior citizens from low-income families who can’t afford nursing homes.

As for college students, there are plenty in the state whose student ID cards don’t have expiration dates. PA’s voter ID bill allows only for college IDs with expiration dates. These are identical to the student IDs and there is no expiration date, only an issue date.

On the topic of college students, they seem to be a group that have had a hard time voting in Pennsylvania historically, especially black college students. After the 2008 presidential elections, when hundreds of students from the HBCU Lincoln University stood up to seven hours in the rain to vote, the ACLU filed a federal lawsuit on their behalf because the county had moved the polling place to a small facility far from Lincoln’s campus. At the university, voter registration drives had anticipated a record turnout for the election that brought about the first African-American president, but Chester County wouldn’t move the polling place to a larger facility on campus that could accommodate the huge swell of new registered voters.

“After voters complained about conditions in the 2008 election, in which some people waited as long as seven hours to vote, the county responded by moving the polling place even further away from campus,” ACLU’s Hoover told me.

They successfully sued the county, which at the time was headed by a commissioner named Carol Aichele. Aichele is now the Secretary of State under Gov. Corbett and was by his side when he signed the bill into law. After the signing she said, “No one entitled to vote will be denied that right by this bill, but by preventing those not legally allowed to vote from casting ballots, we will make sure every vote carries the weight it should in deciding elections.”

Who is she talking about when she says “those not legally allowed to vote”?

“I don’t know who she’s talking about,” said Pennsylvania voting rights activist Celeste Taylor. “If she’s talking about voter impersonation, then just say that. I think she has broadened the meaning of voter fraud to stopping people from voting who are eligible to vote, but just don’t have the right ID. The impacts of this law will be on people who meet all legal requirements to be able to vote. That’s unacceptable to me.”

Taylor has worked on voting rights, GOTV, voter registration and voter protection campaigns since 1999 at national, state and local levels. She works with a coalition that includes dozens of organizations around the state including not only civil rights groups like the NAACP and League of Young Voters, but also the County Commissioners Association of Pennsylvania. The County Commissioners are not an advocacy organization. They are an association of county government administrators who are on the frontlines of every election, staffing the polls and dealing with all the problems that occur on election days. And they oppose this new law.

But Gov. Corbett believes he has signed a “law of prevention” against voter fraud.

But voter fraud “just isn’t happening,” says Taylor. “I’m just so upset because I’ve seen how hard it is to get people to participate in this democracy and utilize the vote as their voice. Between the Citizens United ruling and corporations now having so much power — and now voter ID laws superceding what people’s rights are — so many people just don’t get it.”

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“Elizabeth and Hazel: Little Rock women struggled after iconic civil rights image”

Taken from: http://inamerica.blogs.cnn.com/2011/12/22/little-rock-nine-elizabeth-hazel-margolick/

December 22, 2011

David Margolick’s latest book, “Elizabeth and Hazel: Two Women of Little Rock,” explores what happened to two teenagers captured in one of the civil rights movement’s most iconic photos.

Elizabeth Eckford was one of nine black teenagers to integrate Little Rock, Arkansas’, Central High School in 1957, and the photo shows her walking a gauntlet of shouting, taunting white students and adults. In the photo, Hazel Bryan, now Hazel Bryan Massery, was the white girl caught in the midst of yelling a racial epithet. The moment depicted in that image continued to reverberate throughout both girls’ lives.

Eckford struggled with depression and anxiety throughout adulthood, once being diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder due to the near-constant bullying she experienced at Central High. She attended two colleges before depressive symptoms forced her to drop out. Bryan Massery transferred to another high school before dropping out to marry at 16. She was the mother of two children when she first called Eckford to apologize for what she’d done. Although the two women eventually reconciled and even became friends, the pain and guilt each experienced because of the events in the photo crushed their friendship, and they no longer speak to each other.

CNN: What motivated you to write this book?

Margolick: I was in Little Rock doing a piece, a [Bill] Clinton-related piece for Vanity Fair that didn’t pan out. While I was there, I went to Central High School, which had always been a legendary building for me. I was well aware of what had happened in Little Rock in 1957 … Central High School was a holy place for me, and I wanted to see it for myself. When I was there, I went to the visitors’ center across the street, which had just opened, and right when you got in you saw the famous picture.

It seeped into my consciousness the way it seeps into the consciousness of every historically curious person.

I can’t tell you [how old I was when I first saw the picture]. I could no more tell you than I could when I first saw the picture of the little boy in the Warsaw ghetto with his hands up. You just know you’re changed once you see it. These are images that haunt you for the rest of your life.

But what happened in the visitors’ center was that very close to the picture, in the gift shop, was a poster of the grown-up pictures of these girls … I realized this was the same Elizabeth and Hazel, only they were grown up and they were friendly. The picture was taken in 1997, and I was there in 1999 … I thought, as any journalist would, how did we get from the first picture to the second? And why didn’t I know anything about it? How had these two archetypal racial antagonists buried the hatchet? How could that be? So that’s what made me curious enough to start looking into it.

CNN: What was it like reporting this story – were the two women and the people around them willing to talk?

Margolick: It was a delicate matter reporting the story, but not for the reasons that I anticipated. The two women were initially quite willing to talk. They met with me right away, and – but there were problems very quickly. When I met the two women, the bond that had developed very quickly between them in 1997, had begun to fray.

Hazel was wary of me and decided not to cooperate with me. Hazel felt that me and Elizabeth would gang up on her. For the first eight years that I worked on the story, she wouldn’t even talk to me.

When a version of the story appeared in Vanity Fair in 2007, an early version, and Hazel could see I bore her no ill will and was trying to be fair to her, then she agreed to see me. And from there I went back and forth between the two of them. They only live a few miles apart. Though they hadn’t talked to each other since 1997, they were talking to me.

I found that their families were not anxious to speak about it. Their children – I never spoke to Hazel’s children, she would never let me. She thought some of the ostracism that she had suffered for coming out and apologizing would spill over to their lives and hurt them, their businesses.

There were a lot of white people in Little Rock that thought Hazel had given them a bad name, that they had behaved completely appropriately in 1957 and never did anything to hurt the black people at the school, and here they were saddled with the image of Hazel in the picture. They were seen as racists, when all they did when the black children at Central were being harassed and humiliated, was look the other way. They think that they were good kids, and that the trouble inside Central to which Elizabeth and the others were subjected was the work of 200 troublemakers, and the other 1,800 of them were living as normal a life as possible in a school that was militarily occupied.

CNN: What do you find most tragic about this story?

Margolick: There are lots of tragic things here, lots of tragic dimensions to this story, but each has a positive side, too. This story is very mixed; it’s complicated. It’s a great tragedy that, because of her own demons and the abominable way she was treated, Elizabeth’s growth was stunted. Elizabeth could have been anything. She could have been a great lawyer or a history professor. So that’s a great tragedy. It’s a great tragedy that a childish mistake – Hazel has had to bear this cross for the last 55 years, and this picture will be on top of her obituary. It will be the only reason she’ll have an obituary in The New York Times.

It’s a tragedy that the despite the intents of these well-meaning people, they ended up incommunicado, despite the great bond of love between them even to this day.

That’s why I think the last chapter of this book will not be in my book. It may not be written yet.

CNN: From what I understand, Hazel’s life took an upward, or at least normal, curve, while Elizabeth struggled for decades after the day that picture was taken. What do you think accounts for the difference in the levels of their successes?

Margolick: I think it’s a matter of their mental makeup – I think that Elizabeth had a family history of depression that Hazel didn’t have to deal with. And Elizabeth had suffered much more egregiously than Hazel ever had, and that exacerbated whatever tendency Elizabeth had toward depression, whereas Hazel was just sort of a normal southern girl. Hazel wasn’t troubled at all until the picture began to torment her years later. And she was traumatized incrementally and episodically when the picture came up, but few people knew that she was the person in it. So it was a sort of private embarrassment she suffered. With Elizabeth, it was an ongoing affliction. And it wasn’t just the picture and wasn’t just her experiences at Central, it was everything thrown together. And the affliction was just constant and unrelenting for decades.

CNN: What’s the overarching lesson to be learned from Elizabeth and Hazel? Is there one?

Margolick: I guess it’s just that even for people with good intentions – the best of intentions – it’s very hard to overcome the history of racial tension in this country, and racial misunderstanding and racial division. Because both of these people mean well. And, as I said, underneath all the tension and anger and bitterness and resentment, there still exists a great bond between them. I know there does, because whenever they talk about each other, they tear up. They miss each other. And I think that compounds the tragedy that you were talking about before

CNN: People want so badly for this story to have something like a happy ending. What does it say about America that this happy ending never materialized?

Margolick: I think it says something about American naivety that we think it should have materialized, and about American impatience over the fact that it hadn’t. This would be a much bigger story, a more newsworthy story, if it had materialized. Then Oprah would be talking about it again. And the fact that it hasn’t yet makes it less interesting to people, when that fact is, it should make it more interesting to people because it’s real.

So it’s very stirring – movies get made of unrealistic, completely implausible situations like ‘The Help,’ but not vexing real-world situations like this one. And that’s very sad. Revisionism is much more popular, much more marketable, than reality. You can walk out of the theater eating your popcorn and feeling happy. I wanted there to be a happy ending to this story, but I felt it wasn’t my role to stage manage a happy ending when there wasn’t. I didn’t even want to ask them to pose for a picture together. I did, but that was only at my photographer’s insistence, and only at the very end, when the book was almost completely done.

CNN: What did writing this book teach you about racism and race relations?

Margolick: It just reminded me of how complex they are, I guess, and how heavy the hand of history is on us still, and how omnipresent America’s racial legacy remains. There’s no such thing as ‘post-racial,’ and all these problems are still lurking. They’ve just gone a bit beneath the surface. They’re not as bad as they once were, but there’s still a long way to go. I write all my books trying to figure out the kind of person I am, how I would behave in those circumstances and these books give me a chance to ponder that.

CNN: The current generation of 15-year-olds is growing up in a more integrated society, in many ways. Do you think racial reconciliation of past and current racism will be any easier for them than it was for Elizabeth and Hazel?

Margolick: Oh, I think so. Even though the races are very much separated still, they are so much more mixed together than they were.Elizabeth told me she actually didn’t understand some of the white kids when she arrived at Central; they spoke with an accent she had never heard before. That would be inconceivable today. So things are starting from a much more advanced place, and the level of racial understanding is necessarily much, much higher, however far it still may have to go. And in a school that’s as heavily black as Central High School is now, the sort of harassment that the Little Rock Nine had to put up with would never be tolerated. It would be crazy even to attempt it.

CNN: Do you find that people of different races, ages, backgrounds react differently to the story?

Margolick: I’m not sure if I have enough of a cross-section of reactions, frankly. I think that blacks get this story more than whites do, and feel more drawn to it than whites do, in some instances. That certainly goes for some of the reviewers. But then I haven’t had any black reviewers, I’m just thinking, anecdotally. I so much want this book not to be read just by the usual white liberals. I don’t want to just round up the usual suspects for this book. I want blacks to read it too. I want white conservatives to read it, because I think that Hazel would really resonate with them. The thing that burns up some conservatives is that only liberals are [portrayed as] tolerant.

I’d like this story to be discussed on Fox as well as CNN, but I’d be satisfied with it on either. Instead of just on MSNBC.

CNN: Is there any other photo in American history that you’re dying to find out about?

Margolick: No, I don’t think I want to do another one of these. I think no picture better captures the racial divide in this country than this picture, and since the racial divide is such a large part of the American story, and since I’m so interested in that racial divide, there’s no other picture I want to write about. I was incredibly lucky to write about this one. I was incredibly lucky that no one had ever written about this picture.

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“Alabama’s immigration law: Jim Crow revisited”

Taken from: http://www.cnn.com/2011/11/17/opinion/trumka-king-civil-rights-alabama/index.html?hpt=us_t2

November 17, 2011

Editor’s note: Martin Luther King III is president and chief executive officer of The King Center in Atlanta. Richard Trumka is president of the AFL-CIO.

(CNN) – It is one of the painful ironies of our time that in the same season Martin Luther King Jr.’s memory is finally honored with a memorial in our nation’s capital, the state where he began to lead the civil rights movement is once more the center of an ugly conflict over racial injustice.

The passage of Alabama’s anti-immigrant legislation, HB 56, invokes inhumanity reminiscent of the Jim Crow South. And the police state it has created is equally cruel.

If the law stands, children will be denied admission to public schools if they can’t prove their citizenship, and schools will be turned into enforcement operations. Poor people of color will be ripped from their families if they are caught in public without their papers in order. Samaritans and people of conscience who employ, harbor or help undocumented workers will be severely punished. Already, opportunistic corrections firms are standing by to pocket money off prejudice and terrified families are selling off their meager possessions and fleeing the state.

Our immigration system is broken, but our answer as a nation cannot be to terrorize and criminalize families. Our immigration policy must be consistent with our core values and our moral obligation to treat all people with dignity and respect. For all the differences that divide us, we are in this together. In these harsh economic times, we are more than ever wearing the “single garment of destiny” of which King wrote in his ”Letter From Birmingham Jail.”

When communities suffer discrimination and degradation, we all suffer. When some citizens are denied fair treatment, we are all denied. When any group of workers can be underpaid and overworked, all workers are victimized. When families are threatened if they dare organize or speak out, America is threatened. ”Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application,” King also wrote in “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” where he was imprisoned for nonviolent civil disobedience. Much about our nation’s immigration practices echoes that observation.

We call on President Barack Obama to oppose and terminate all programs — including collaboration between state and local law enforcement and the Department of Homeland Security — that result in racial profiling and target immigrant communities. Our focus should be on comprehensive immigration reform. And we must focus simultaneously on fixing our broken economy, an economy that is forcing 99% of the people to compete for a smaller and smaller piece of the receding American Dream.

We also hope the good and righteous people of Alabama will rise up, oppose and repeal the abomination that is HB 56. Theirs is the state where our historic civil rights movement began, where King and his followers developed a model of nonviolent activism that changed not only Birmingham and Alabama and the South, but our entire nation.

This week, a delegation of African American labor and civil rights leaders are visiting Alabama to support Latino families who face hostilities all too familiar to what King saw in 1963. Perhaps the ugly problems in Alabama can once again play a part in building a new understanding about the strains of division that weaken the fabric of society for all of us.

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“From Jim Crow to Juan Crow: Alabama’s Civil Rights Legacy”

Taken from: http://newamericamedia.org/2011/10/alabama-depriving-water-to-immigrants-stirs-civil-rights-memories.php

October 12, 2011

Last week the Water Works — in the ironically named community of Allgood, Ala. — informed local residents that they must now present a valid driver’s license or ID. Otherwise, the notice threatened, “You may lose water service.” The warning stems from part of Alabama’s drastic new immigration law stipulating that no one can qualify for a driver’s license or any other government service in the state unless they can prove citizenship or are otherwise authorized to be in the United States — especially those who are brown or have a Spanish accent.

Water as a Racial Divide

The official notice from the Allgood Alabama Water Works was not the first time the good citizens of the Cotton State have used water as a racial divide.

Similar images flowed through my mind during a long bus ride 46 years ago. I was on my way to join the 1965 civil rights march from Selma to Montgomery. That was a time of shocking black-and-white TV pictures of police blasting demonstrators off their feet with water canons, a time of separate toilets and water fountains — legislated by other laws — for blacks and whites.

Today, Jim Crow has become Juan Crow.

Last week’s eager decision on the Water Works by the Allgood mayor streamed from the unexpected ruling by U.S. District Judge Sharon Lovelace Blackburn in Birmingham. Although she nullified much of Alabama’s new anti-immigrant law, she left intact clauses that authorize police to demand “papers” showing citizenship or immigration status, such as during traffic stops, and denying the parched but undocumented so much as a tap of water.

Frightened by Judge Blackburn’s decision, Alabama’s growing Latino population is now fleeing that state in huge numbers. One small town, Albertville, lost a substantial part of its Hispanic population — including those with documentation to be in the United States — practically overnight. While local farmers and contractors complain that the exodus leaves them without enough labor to harvest crops and complete their jobs, I wonder how many of those in flight from the prospect of police harassment are fully established U.S. citizens, born and bred here – like me, and maybe you, too.

Judge Blackburn also preserved a requirement compelling public schools to verify the immigration status of children and their parents. That, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center is “a provision that will have a chilling effect on children’s access to public schools.” Of course, outrage and condemnation over the immigration law will continue to flare in the coming weeks, and the Obama administration has asked for a federal court injunction to stop implementation of the law until it can work its way through the federal judiciary.

Rolling Toward Selma

But the Alabama decision–coming the same week that witnessed the death of Fred Shuttelsworth, who co-founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference with Martin Luther King, Jr., andDerrick Bell, the Harvard law civil rights advocate–sent my mind rolling back through Birmingham on a chartered bus full of college students almost a half-century ago.

I was 19 and one of about 20,000 people wheeling in from around the country following Bloody Sunday. That was the police riot that left protesters like John Lewis — now a member of Congress — bloodied as they tried peacefully to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge on the first leg of a march to the state capital in Montgomery. Decades before Twitter feeds existed, and long before anyone called us baby boomers, calls had gone out for student support. Organizers at the University of Minnesota, where I was a sophomore, mustered enough of us to fill two, maybe three buses.  In the ensuing days after the attack on the marchers, U.S. Attorney General Bobby Kennedy called out the National Guard to protect marchers from the likes of the Klan and police thugs, such as Selma Sheriff Jim Clark and Birmingham’s Commissioner of Public Safety, one Eugene “Bull” Connor.

As our Minnesota bus traveled south through the afternoon and night, I hunched sleepily against a bus window. In the aisle seat next to me was my college roommate, Teferi, a fellow journalism student from Ethiopia.

In the early morning light, I felt the bus pull into a gas station. Drowsy at first, I took in the station’s homespun blue-and-white paint job. Then I found myself wide awake at a sight I’d only read about until that moment. Two water fountains were marked “For Whites” and “Colored.” I was not prepared for the jarring emotional impact that sight had on me. As I glanced over at my ebony friend and idol, Teddy (whom we on the Minnesota Daily staff all called the coolest, most worldly guy), I felt tears moisten my eyes and anger tighten my chest. There it was, right in front of us, in all of its banal, institutionalized expression of fear and hatred. The prosaic sight now before me was somehow even more unsettling than the televised images of police dogs, Billy clubs and flailing limbs in water.

By Alabama law, Teddy and I simply could not share the same spout for a drink of water because — because why? The gas-station stop was quick, and only those with a morning urge got off the bus; we were trying to get to Selma and the Brown AME Church as soon as possible before heading out to join march.

The decades have rolled by like so many state “Welcome To …” signs, and the years have sped along fueled by many causes, loves and regrets, among the latter a falling out with Teddy — all my fault — that remains unrepaired. But in the miles toward Selma that morning — and again now — I couldn’t help but think of the folk-music inquiry of those days, “When will they ever learn?” Sad to say, even after this “long time passing,” the answer remains, not yet…

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